HomeOpinionEdouard Van Ryne: Monaco Was Never the Target

Edouard Van Ryne: Monaco Was Never the Target

The attempted assassination of Vadym Yermolaiev is about far more than a single act of violence. With every new development, the case has become a reminder that the consequences of Russia’s war against Ukraine increasingly reach beyond the battlefield and into the heart of Western Europe.

The bombing of Vadym Yermolaiev in Monaco raises more questions than it currently answers. While the French and Monegasque authorities have yet to determine responsibility, one conclusion is already difficult to avoid: Yermolaiev’s business empire and political trajectory left him with adversaries across multiple spheres.

The investigation has evolved rapidly, yet the new developments have done little to reduce the uncertainty surrounding the attack. If anything, they have reinforced the impression that the bombing in Monaco was neither an impulsive act nor the work of an isolated extremist, but a carefully orchestrated operation involving multiple actors whose identities and motives remain obscured.

The woman identified by investigators as the principal suspect, 39-year-old Ukrainian national Anastasiia Berezovska, appears to have executed the operational phase with remarkable professionalism. According to the investigation, she conducted reconnaissance while disguised as a heavily built man, wearing loose clothing and a bucket hat, leading investigators initially to search for a male suspect. On June 29, she allegedly placed an improvised explosive device packed with bolts near the entrance of the residential complex before detonating it remotely as Vadym Yermolaiev, his partner and their thirteen-year-old son arrived. Yermolaiev and his son survived with injuries; his partner suffered catastrophic wounds resulting in the loss of both legs.

Her subsequent escape suggests extensive preparation rather than panic. Travelling in a rented vehicle with German registration plates, she crossed several European jurisdictions before reaching Germany. By the time German authorities searched her residence in Hesse following the publication of an Interpol Red Notice, she had already disappeared. The notice described her as a Ukrainian citizen residing in Germany, fluent in German and identifiable by a large snake tattoo on her right arm.

The story then took an even more extraordinary turn. On July 7, the Ukrainian Security Service announced that Berezovska had been found dead in a forest near Kyiv, killed by gunshots to the head. Ukrainian investigators have since arrested two suspects for her murder. One is reported to be an active officer of Ukraine’s military intelligence service (GUR); the other a former law enforcement official. According to the investigation, both men had transferred substantial sums of money and cryptocurrency to Berezovska before her death.

These developments fundamentally alter the nature of the case. The central question is no longer confined to who planted the bomb. It now extends to who considered it necessary to ensure that the alleged perpetrator would never testify before a court.

Several explanations remain conceivable, none yet supported by conclusive evidence. One possibility is that the bombing formed part of an unofficial campaign directed against an oligarch widely criticised within Ukraine for maintaining commercial interests in occupied Crimea and subsequently placed under Ukrainian sanctions. Within that interpretation, Berezovska’s death could represent an attempt to eliminate the principal witness before she could reveal those who planned or financed the operation.

An equally plausible interpretation points in a different direction. The attack may have originated within criminal or financial networks operating across Ukraine, Russia and Europe, where commercial disputes, organised crime and political influence frequently overlap. In that scenario, the liquidation of the alleged bomber would represent a familiar method of erasing operational links and protecting those occupying higher positions within the chain of command.

Neither hypothesis can presently be demonstrated. Indeed, the reported involvement of an active GUR officer in Berezovska’s killing should not automatically be interpreted as institutional responsibility. Intelligence officers, particularly in wartime societies, are not immune from acting outside official structures, pursuing private interests or becoming entangled in criminal networks. Individual involvement does not necessarily equate to state policy, and that distinction is likely to become one of the investigation’s most sensitive questions.

What is becoming increasingly apparent, however, is that the Monaco bombing can no longer be viewed solely as an attempted assassination of a controversial businessman. It has evolved into a case exposing the increasingly blurred boundaries between intelligence services, organised crime, private wealth and geopolitical conflict. The operational methods, the international escape route, the rapid elimination of the principal suspect and the apparent involvement of individuals with security backgrounds collectively suggest a level of organisation that extends well beyond conventional criminality.

For Europe, that may prove to be the most significant lesson. The continent has long assumed that conflicts originating in the post-Soviet space could be contained beyond its borders. Yet as oligarchic wealth, intelligence networks and organised crime have become increasingly transnational, so too has the violence accompanying them. Monaco may not simply have been the location of an attempted assassination. It may have become another demonstration that Europe’s financial centres and luxury enclaves are increasingly serving as arenas where unresolved conflicts from the East are pursued by other means.

Until investigators establish who commissioned the bombing, and who subsequently ordered Berezovska’s execution, the case will remain defined less by the answers it has produced than by the profound questions it continues to raise.

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