The reported US-Iran deal may be good for oil markets, for a White House that wants the war over, and for a president eager to say he forced Tehran to the table and reopened the Strait of Hormuz.
For Israel, that is not the test.
The test is whether Iran is weaker today than it was before the deal. Has its nuclear program been dismantled? Has its enriched uranium been removed? Have its missiles and drones been addressed? Has Hezbollah been pushed back? Has Israel’s freedom to act been preserved?
So far, the answers are unclear. That should worry us.
The warning is coming from President Donald Trump’s own side: Iran hawks, pro-Israel conservatives, and lawmakers who backed pressure on Tehran, supported the airstrikes, and believed this campaign could finally change the balance against the Islamic Republic.
‘A nightmare for Israel’
Sen. Lindsey Graham did not rush to celebrate. He warned that if a deal leaves Iran able to terrorize the Strait of Hormuz and damage Gulf oil infrastructure, it would create “a major shift of the balance of power in the region” and “over time will be a nightmare for Israel.”
That is the right frame. This is about who controls the fear next month, not whether ships move this week.
Graham also set a clear standard: “No enrichment,” American control of Iran’s highly enriched uranium, an open Strait of Hormuz, an end to Iran’s long-range ballistic-missile program, and an end to its support for terrorist proxies. Saying he is skeptical Iran will agree to terms making the deal “substantially different than the JCPOA” is “an understatement,” he added.
That is where Israel should be, too.
Sen. Ted Cruz was sharper. He warned that if Iran ends this war still receiving billions of dollars, still enriching uranium, still moving toward nuclear weapons, and still holding leverage over the Strait of Hormuz, “that outcome would be a disastrous mistake.”
Mark Levin has been even blunter. “A memorandum of understanding, from my perspective, or a final deal will not matter to the Iranian regime,” he said. “They will never abide by any of it.”
Levin’s explanation was the one Israel knows from experience. Iran’s rulers, he said, view diplomacy “as a last resort, but as a resort to survive.”
That is the fear Israel cannot ignore. Iran does not need to win a war outright. It only needs to survive one, keep its core capabilities, and convince the world to call the pause a breakthrough.
That is exactly what happened after the 2015 deal. The West treated signatures as a turning point. Tehran treated them as time.
Ben Shapiro praised Trump’s Iran airstrikes as “the single bravest foreign-policy move of my lifetime.”
That praise now creates the standard for judging the ending. A campaign sold as historic strength cannot end with Iran surviving, regrouping, and keeping the core of its nuclear and regional leverage.
Iranian defeat, or survival?
A ceasefire is valuable if it locks in Iranian defeat. It is dangerous if it locks in Iranian survival.
The reported 60-day negotiation period is the most troubling part. Sixty days sounds orderly in Washington. In the Middle East, it is enough time for Iran to move assets, rebuild confidence, reframe the war at home, and test how badly the US wants quiet. Tehran knows how to use delay. Hezbollah knows how to use delay. Israel has paid for those delays before.
Lebanon may be the immediate danger. Any arrangement that restrains Israel while leaving Hezbollah in place is unacceptable. Northern Israel cannot be secured by language in a US-Iran memorandum. Kiryat Shmona, Metula, and the Galilee need Hezbollah to be moved, disarmed, and deterred.
Trump deserves credit for understanding Iran’s danger better than many Western leaders. He left the Obama deal. He imposed pressure. He backed Israel at critical moments.
That record makes this moment more serious. Trump should not attach his name to a weaker version of the mistake he once condemned.
If this agreement removes Iran’s nuclear threat, cuts off its proxies, protects Israel’s freedom of action, and gives the regime no path back to strength, the administration should publish the details and defend them.
If it does less than that, Israel should not applaud.
Neither should Congress.
Source:
www.jpost.com
